Wednesday, May 13, 2015

1967 picture of Lyndon Johnson and Robert Kennedy that tells it all

No, actually it does not.

Bobby Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson; The only time you’ll find a pleasant picture featuring the two of them.


LYNDON JOHNSON HAD A MURDEROUS ATTITUDE TOWARDS ROBERT KENNEDY - "I'll cut his throat if it's the last thing I do."
Robert Caro describes the LBJ-RFK relationship post 1960 Democratic convention, where RFK had moved heaven and earth attempting to keep LBJ off the 1960 Democratic ticket. Caro:
John Connally, who during long days of conversation with this author was willing to answer almost any question put to him, no matter how delicate the topic, wouldn't answer when asked what Johnson said about Robert Kennedy. When the author pressed him, he finally said flatly: "I am not going to tell you what he said about him." During the months after the convention, when Johnson was closeted alone back in Texas with an old ally he would sometimes be asked about Robert Kennedy. He would reply with a gesture. Raising his big right hand, he would draw the side of it across the neck in a slowing, slitting movement. Sometimes that gesture would be his only reply; sometimes, as during a meeting with Ed Clark in Austin, he would say, as his hand moved across his neck, "I'll cut his throat if it's the last thing I do."  [Robert Caro, "The Passage of Power," p. 140]
Lyndon Johnson on the morning of 11/22/63 to Madeleine Brown:
"His snarling voice jolted me as never before - "That son-of-a-bitch crazy Yarborough and that goddamn fucking Irish mafia bastard, Kennedy, will never embarass me again!"
I managed to say, "I'm looking forward to tonight," when he blasted out even louder, "I've got about a minute to get to the parking lot to hear that bastard!", and he slammed down the phone. I was startled ... an uneasiness gripped me over Lyndon's actions and temper." [Madeleine Duncan Brown, Texas in the Morning, p. 167]

JFK Researcher Al Navis on "Farewell America: The Book and the Enigma"

Farewell America:

The Book and the Enigma


By Al Navis

Farewell America, Al, you have to get a copy of Farewell America”, said the voice on the telephone. The soft East Texas twang immediately identified the caller as one William Penn Jones, Jr. and he was calling me from his desk as Editor-in-Chief of the Midlothian Mirror, a weekly newspaper from the town just south of Dallas.

It was about two weeks before Christmas, 1968 and winter in Toronto was fast approaching. America, and indeed the entire world, had just endured what was possibly the worst single year of the century, excepting the Wars. It was a presidential election year and Lyndon Johnson said he wouldn’t run, but Robert Kennedy said he would. By the end of the year, Kennedy was dead by assassins’ bullets, Richard Nixon was President, Hubert Humphrey had lost the election by just over 25,000 votes and Johnson was back home in Texas after aging 20 years in the past five.

 Add to this, the assassination of Civil Rights champion Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; the riots at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago; North Korea capturing the electronic spyship U.S.S. Pueblo; the continuing war in south-east Asia; the Soviet Union occupying Czechoslovakia, a student and worker revolt in France and the few good things which occurred that year were all but invisible.

 The first heart transplant in December, 1967 gave way to an avalanche of them in 1968; American astronauts orbited the moon in preparation for a lunar landing in mid-1969 and President John Kennedy’s widow, Jacqueline, married Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis.

 So when Penn mentioned Farewell America, I asked him what was it about. The story that Penn told me—coupled with what I learned from former F.B.I.-agent-turned-author William Turner and added to the rather bizarre occurrences which would happen to me 16 years later—is what Paul Harvey routinely calls “the rest of the story”.

The rest of this story begins on 22 November 1963, with the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas. While the various timelines of history converged on that place at that time, what came out of Dallas was best described by a Hopi word koyaanisqatsi, meaning crazy life, life in turmoil, life out of balance, life disintegrating or a state of life that calls for another way of living.

 For virtually every person connected with the assassination, this is true and it was especially true for the President’s brother, then-Attorney General Robert Kennedy. Even in the middle of the worst four days of his life, Robert Kennedy had the presence of mind to ask one of his most trusted aides, future Senator from New York Daniel Moynihan to quietly assemble a small staff to look into his brother’s murder. Kennedy basically asked Moynihan to get him the answer to two questions: did Teamster boss and Kennedy family enemy Jimmy Hoffa have any involvement in the assassination?, and, was the Secret Service as an agency or specific agents themselves paid off?

 In a few months, the results came back to Kennedy: “no” and “no”. The report was, however, quite damning in its criticism of the Secret Service agents and the agency in general, as far as their collective performance was concerned. Standard protection procedures had been ignored, countermanded or subverted and the result was that the President was left exposed from practically everywhere in Dealey Plaza—a full 360° of opportunity.

 When you look back at the weekend which followed the assassination in 1963, you can probably agree with Robert Kennedy’s prime suspects. Jimmy Hoffa was the most vocal of the detractors of the Kennedy White House as both John and Robert Kennedy had sat on the Kefauver Committee in the late 1950s looking into organized crime in America. The very fact that the President was so completely defenseless naturally gave cause to cast disparaging glances at the organization whose primary duty is to protect him.

 It is indeed interesting, from the point of view of 35 years after the fact, that Hoffa and the Secret Service would be the primary suspects in the ‘crime of the century’. When we now look at who might have had a hand in the planning and execution of this execution, we normally list the C.I.A., the F.B.I., the Mafia, the anti-Castro and pro-Castro Cubans, the Joint Chiefs of Staff/Pentagon/D.I.A., the Texas oil fortunes of the Hunts and the Murchisons and even the massive interests involved in the Federal Reserve Bank. The ‘grassy knoll’ is now getting to be as crowded as a Tokyo subway car at rush hour!

 It was during the first few months of 1964 that a copy of the Moynihan report to Robert Kennedy found its way across the Atlantic and into the caverns of French Intelligence and, eventually, onto the desk of President Charles de Gaulle. Who actually was the genesis of what would become Farewell America must now be left to pure conjecture, as it was probably done verbally, covertly and quietly. Was it Robert Kennedy or Charles de Gaulle or both or neither?

 It became the provenance of two recently-retired French Intelligence operatives and one of their British counterparts to look into the murder of a president, again probably done verbally, covertly and quietly. They were basically given carte blanche to travel wherever leads took them and to talk to whoever they thought had useful and pertinent information to give. Their investigation took more than 3 years and covered practically the entire globe.

 Because the operatives were just that, and not writers, they enlisted a rather peculiar-looking Frenchman who called himself Hervé Lamarr. It was this slightly-built, chain-smoking editor who took the voluminous notes, reports, interview transcripts and essays that the operatives had accumulated over the past 40+ months and collate them into a somewhat readable concise report. It was also Lamarr who came up with the pseudonym “James Hepburn” based on his overwhelming love and admiration for actress Audrey Hepburn. He bastardized the French word j’aime which means I love.

 It was most probably in mid-December, 1967 that Robert Kennedy received the final draft of the report and its effect was quite noticeable. Kennedy’s public image changed from that of a New York Senator to a potential Presidential candidate. His speeches became more international and less local-oriented. And it was quite soon therafter that he did indeed throw his hat into the ring for the November presidential election.

 During Kennedy’s all-too-brief run for the Presidency, most people judiciously avoided the assassination questions, but one student reporter for a campus newspaper in Berkeley, California asked Kennedy a rather direct question, couched in metaphor—if elected would he open ‘the files’? Kennedy’s reply was metaphorical in return, saying that only the President can open ‘those files’ and I will be President! In less than three days, Robert Kennedy lay dead in a Los Angeles hospital after being shot three times at point blank range 25 hours earlier, only minutes after winning the California Democratic Primary.

 After waiting a few weeks, the Kennedy family was contacted about the status of ‘the project’, meaning Farewell America. It was now the duty of the last remaining son, Edward Kennedy to basically squelch the entire operation as he said to the effect that he and the Kennedy Family no longer wished to pursue any aspects of either of the brothers’ deaths.

 So now Lamarr had a book with content that could change the world’s view of what had happened in Dallas. After approaching nearly every major American and British publisher and getting rejections from all of them, Lamarr decided to begin in Europe. One can assume that corporate attorneys working as counsel for those American and British publishing houses looked at a statement on page 387 of Farewell America:

 We challenge the individuals whose names are cited in this book to sue us for libel.

 One can also assume that those same attorneys would have cast a ‘no’ vote when asked by the editorial staff if they should publish Farewell America. But that was the entire tone of the book, because the book was a natural product of the results of the research and that research named names and placed blames.

 While I won’t disclose what that research found, leaving it up to you to read the book, I will say that it cast light in directions which, at that time, had always been in shadows. When it was published in France under the title America Brûlé (America Burns), it quickly shot to the top of the non-fiction bestseller charts. Italian and German editions soon followed, each a bestseller as well and soon it became apparant that the only way to get an edition published in English was to self-publish it.

 So came the entity now known as “Frontiers Publishing”. It was registered in Vaduz, the tiny capital city of the even tinier Duchy of Liechtenstein, nestled in the Alps. The legal office was in Geneva, Switzerland. The editorial office in Paris. The books were actually printed in Belgium and shipped to Manchester, England and Montréal, Québec. The print run has never been disclosed but my research came up with an approximate number of copies in the 10,000 range. It seems that 4,000 were shipped for distribution throughout the UK and the other 6,000 were off to North America, but by having them sent out from Montréal they kept them out of the reach of the American authorities. Or so they thought.

While the copies which were in England were distributed without incident to various bookstores in the British Isles, the copies which were sent to Canada came under attack quite quickly. After about one-third of the consignment had been shipped, a very odd thing happened. The shipments stopped completely.

 I have been able to place together some random facts and oddities into a fairly reliable story of what indeed happened. It seems that the F.B.I. (or perhaps the C.I.A., but more probably the former) had traced the flow of Farewell America to a book warehouse in Montréal and they elicited the assistance of the Canadian Government (possibly the R.C.M.P., but more probably the Ministry of Customs and Excise) to find a way to staunch the flow of Farewell America into the U.S.

 Now comes the creative part. Through some logistical legerdemain they were able to create an excise on hardcover books which were printed in Belgium. They were then assigned a 50% duty, to be applied retro-actively as well! This means that the books would be seized for non-payment of a duty which didn’t even exist when the shipment arrived in Canada. It’s like getting a speeding ticket in September after they lowered the speed limit, and you travelled there in July! Nice grift if you can swing it.

From 1969 until 1984 two pallets of Farewell America languished in Montréal, in an unheated, bonded, government warehouse. Freezing cold winters and blistering hot summers—all fifteen of them.

During this time the book became very tough to find and the price began to climb, eventually hitting more then $100.00—if you could find a copy. The scuttlebutt was that the F.B.I. had bought up all remaining copies and had them destroyed. This type of tactic had worked with two of William Turner’s books, The Fish is Red and The Assasssination of Robert F. Kennedy which Random House had stopping shipping to bookstores a few months after it was published, probably at the behest of the F.B.I. Of the 20,000 copies it printed, Random House probably burned three-quarters of them! Not good for the bottom line, but very good for the government relations.

But the rumours were untrue and for some reason, still unknown, the book showed up as part of a Canadian government auction back in the spring of 1984. When I saw that there were two lots of about 2,000 copies each, I decided that I would attend the auction. With most of the auction audience after office furniture and the like, I was unopposed when bidding for the first lot of 2,000 copies. That changed in the few minutes that it took to begin bidding for the second lot. I repeated my opening bid when a voice from the back of the room bid an amount that was ten times my bid! Needless to say I didn’t get the second lot.

The bidder was a non-descript white male in a dark suit, perhaps 6’2” and around 200 pounds, as was his partner. I say ‘partner’ because they immediately radiated the impression ‘government’ or ‘police’. When I paid for the lot and got my receipt and release slip I was approached by the two men and offered twice what they had just paid for the second lot in cash, right there and then, if I gave them my release slip and receipt. I politely declined.

 Since the books had to be picked up within 24 hours, I borrowed a friend’s van and drove to the government warehouse to claim my books. Want to guess who was there when I arrived? That’s right, the same two guys from the auction the day before. This time they offered me four times what they had paid for the books, which means that I could have made a nice tidy profit…40 times what I had paid the day before. Again I said. “no thanks” and loaded the 50 boxes into the van and drove away.

I drove around for about 2 hours basically seeing if anyone was following me, but, not exactly being a private detective myself, I couldn’t really tell. I had a friend who had a warehouse in Mississauga, a suburb of Toronto and he had two rear loading docks. One was the standard truck-backs-up-to-the-door height and the other was a long ramp which allowed him to park his car inside the warehouse during the winter. It was up this ramp that I drove that afternoon and for the next two hours the van just sat inside the warehouse as my friend and I chatted.

 He called his neighbour, who was an off-duty policeman to come over, which he did. I gave him the short-version of the story and then I drove the van back out and down the ramp, this time driving it a bit faster, trying to make anyone watching to believe that I had off-loaded the books and that the van was now empty. The ruse must have worked as not more than 15 minutes later, the sound of glass breaking in the warehouse caused both my friend and his policeman neighbour to come running back there.

 When they turned on the lights, all they saw was an arm trying to reach through the broken window pane to unlock the door, but as the lights came on, the arm disappeared, coupled with a loud scream. By the time my friend had unlocked the back door and opened it, all they saw were the tail lights of a dark-coloured Ford sedan high-tailing it out of the rear parking lot. When they shone the beam from a flashlight down on the ground just outside the door, they noticed a trail of blood—he had sliced his arm open on the broken glass when startled by the lights coming on!

 So for the next 15 years I quietly sold copies of this gem to Kennedy assassination researchers from all over the world. I also ended up donating probably close to 200 copies to the JFK Assassination Information Center in Dallas which was run by the late Larry Howard and Robert Johnson. Selling these books at the Center was my way of donating to their cause.

Even though I know so much about the book, I still have so many nagging questions. Who actually were the three operatives? Who was Hervé Lamarr? Who began and financed the project? And finally, who owns the copyright? This last question will be answered, possibly, in the next few years because, when my supply of Farewell America gets down to a few copies I am going to reprint it…and let’s just see who sues ME for libel!!!

1982 John Connally interview: Lyndon Johnson was the one insisting that JFK come to Texas

1982 interview with John Connally on the JFK assassination with Doug Thompson of Capitol Hill Blue:

From Robert Morrow  512-306-1510

1982 Interview: Connally knew JFK was killed from the front. And he said LBJ was the one pushing to have Kennedy brought to Texas. And Connally also would never tell Robert Caro what LBJ had to say about Robert Kennedy: which was that every time RFK's name was mentioned privately, LBJ would issue a death threat against him.
LBJ did not want to ride with Sen. Ralph Yarborough in the motorcade because he covertly wanted to take Connally out of the kill zone, just as earlier he had asked JFK if Jackie could ride in his car. LBJ was micromanaging the JFK assassination, although it was a CIA-US military operation.
John Connally: "You know I was one of the ones who advised Kennedy to stay away from Texas," Connally said. "Lyndon (Johnson) was being a real asshole about the whole thing and insisted."
March 29, 2006

Is deception the best way to serve one's country?

By Doug Thompson - Capitol Hill Blue

The handwritten note lay in the bottom drawer of my old rolltop desk, one I bought for $50 in a junk store in Richmond, VA, 39 years ago. "Dear Doug & Amy," it read. "Thanks for dinner and for listening." The signature was a bold "John" and the letterhead on the note simply said "John B. Connally" and was dated July 14, 1982.

The handwritten note lay in the bottom drawer of my old rolltop desk, one I bought for $50 in a junk store in Richmond, VA, 39 years ago.

"Dear Doug & Amy," it read. "Thanks for dinner and for listening." The signature was a bold "John" and the letterhead on the note simply said "John B. Connally" and was dated July 14, 1982.

I met John Connally on a TWA flight from Kansas City to Albuquerque earlier that year. The former governor of Texas, the man who took one of the bullets from the assassination that killed President John F. Kenney, was headed to Santa Fe to buy a house.

The meeting wasn't an accident. The flight originated in Washington and I sat in the front row of the coach cabin. During a stop in Kansas City, I saw Connally get on the plane and settle into a first class seat so I walked off the plane and upgraded to a first class seat right ahead of the governor. I not only wanted to meet the man who was with Kennedy on that day in Dallas in 1963 but, as the communications director for the re-election campaign of Congressman Manuel Lujan of New Mexico, I thought he might be willing to help out on what was a tough campaign.

When the plane was in the air, I introduced myself and said I was working on Lujan's campaign. Connally's face lit up and he invited me to move to the empty seat next to him.

"How is Manuel? Is there anything I can do to help?"

By the time we landed in Albuquerque, Connally had agreed to do a fundraiser for Lujan. A month later, he flew back into New Mexico where Amy and I picked him up for the fundraiser. Afterwards, we took him to dinner.

Connolly was both gracious and charming and told us many stories about Texas politics. As the evening wore on and the multiple bourbon and branch waters took their effect, he started talking about November 22, 1963, in Dallas.

"You know I was one of the ones who advised Kennedy to stay away from Texas," Connally said. "Lyndon (Johnson) was being a real asshole about the whole thing and insisted."

Connally's mood darkened as he talked about Dallas. When the bullet hit him, he said he felt like he had been kicked in the ribs and couldn't breathe. He spoke kindly of Jackie Kennedy and said he admired both her bravery and composure.

I had to ask. Did he think Lee Harvey Oswald fired the gun that killed Kennedy?

"Absolutely not," Connally said. "I do not, for one second, believe the conclusions of the Warren Commission."

So why not speak out?

"Because I love this country and we needed closure at the time. I will never speak out publicly about what I believe."

We took him back to catch a late flight to Texas. He shook my hand, kissed Amy on the cheek and walked up the ramp to the plane.

We saw Connally and his wife a couple of more times when they came to New Mexico but he sold his house a few years later as part of a bankruptcy settlement. He died in 1993 and, I believe, never spoke publicly about how he doubted the findings of the Warren Commission.

Connnally's note serves as yet another reminder that in our Democratic Republic, or what's left of it, few things are seldom as they seem. Like him, I never accepted the findings of the Warren Commission. Too many illogical conclusions.

John Kennedy's death, and the doubts that surround it to this day, marked the beginning of the end of America's idealism. The cynicism grew with the lies of Vietnam and the senseless deaths of too many thousands of young Americans in a war that never should have been fought. Doubts about the integrity of those we elect as our leaders festers today as this country finds itself embroiled in another senseless war based on too many lies.

John Connally felt he served his country best by concealing his doubts about the Warren Commission's whitewash but his silence may have contributed to the growing perception that our elected leaders can rewrite history to fit their political agendas.

Had Connally spoken out, as a high-ranking political figure with doubts about the "official" version of what happened, it might have sent a signal that Americans deserve the truth from their government, even when that truth hurts.

Originally published at and © Copyright 2006 by Capitol Hill Blue 


My Encounter with the Connallys - 1992

By Al Navis, JFK researcher

At the 1992 version of ASK (The Assassination Symposium on John F. Kennedy), the final event of the weekend was to be ‘The Dealey Plaza Walk About’. That was to run from 2:00 until 4:00 p.m. and there were maybe ten of us ‘tour guides’ who would take groups of interested symposium attendees—as well as members of the general public who happened to find themselves there—on a tour of Dealey Plaza.

It was perhaps 3:45 p.m. and all the other tour guides were either back at the hotel, on their way back or wrapping up their last group when I glanced up towards Old Elm Street. That part of Elm that ran right in front of the Texas School Book Depository Building and led to the parking lot which is behind the picket fence atop the infamous ‘Grassy Knoll’.

A black Cadillac stretch limousine had pulled up and had parked. Getting out on the curbside was former Texas Governor John Connally wearing a white Stetson hat. Moments later, his wife Nellie also appeared. They had been invited by the ASK organizers for the 2:00 p.m. ‘walk about’ but hadn’t shown up. I hustled up the hill towards the Governor and his wife, held out my hand and introduced myself.

The Governor apologized that his aide had written down the time of the ending of the event instead of the start and he wondered if it was too late. I explained that all the other guides as well as the organizers had already headed back to hotel but that I would be honoured to take them for a brief tour, until it got dark. While it was warm, and it was Texas, it was still the end of November and the thousands of birds that call Dealey Plaza home during the evenings were coming in to roost.

As we strolled slowly across Old Elm and then around the east end of the triangular block and began walking down the gentle slope of Elm Street, I could see that the Governor seemed a bit ill-at-ease.

“I guess,” I said, “That every time you come back to this place, the memories are not at all pleasant.”

“Actually,” replied John Connally, “This is the first time that we’ve been here since…since…that day.”

He hesitated and I could see that even 29 years later, the events of ‘that day’ were a part of John Connally’s daily life…and always would be.

“Nellie and I didn’t live here,” he said. “Austin is where the Governor’s mansion is and then there were the years in Washington. Sometimes I’d have to be here in Dallas for a dinner or an event, but I never allowed the car to come anywhere near here.”

Nellie Connally said, “Al, you don’t know how tough it was for me to get John to agree to come here today.”

She squeezed his arm and they looked at each other and I could see genuine affection that only a combination of years together and crises weathered can produce.

We continued down Elm Street until we were right below the concrete pedestal on which Abraham Zapruder and his secretary Marilyn Sitzman stood while filming the assassination. I pointed it out to the Connallys, pivoted and turned to face east, directly at the County Records Building. As I pointed up to the roof of that building, I said, “That is where the shooter was who shot you. The bullet entered your back and exited your chest.”

Now I turned to face north and looked up at the sixth floor of the Book Depository and said, “The top floor of windows is the seventh, so the next floor down is the sixth. Way over on the east end is where the Warren Commission said that Lee Oswald was…but we all know he wasn’t. However someone was in that window.

“The shooter who shot you a second time, was in the…”

“A second time?” John Connally interrupted.

“Yes sir,” I responded. “That shooter was on the same floor but in the far west window. While your wife was pulling you towards her, a bullet went through your right wrist and ended up in your left thigh.”

When I said this, I saw Nellie Connally elbow her husband in the ribs gently and say,”See, John, I told you that I felt something hit you when I was pulled you over. Now I have proof.”

“Mrs. Connally,” I said. “This isn’t proof, it’s just my take on who was where on that day. I looked at the wounds on both the Governor and the President as well as the spectator who was hit way down there by the underpass on Commerce Street. I just did what a ballistics person would do at any other shooting scene. Work backwards. Don’t let yourself be swayed by what other people have said happened. Work it out for yourself.”

“For years,” said Nellie Connally, “I have believed that John was struck by two shots, but he has insisted that he felt only one.”

I said, “I think that by the time the second shot hit, maybe two seconds after the first one, that the Governor was already in shock and that he wasn’t capable of feeling anything. He also would have had a loud rushing noise in his ears, so until he was down in your lap and the car was on its way to the hospital, he probably couldn’t hear anything either.”

The Governor was silent for a moment and then asked, “Al, how many shooters do you think were firing at us?”

“Six,” I said.

John Connally chuckled a bit and said, “That’s what shoots you conspiracy buffs down in the press. You always over-reach. How could that many people keep a secret for almost thirty years?”

“Governor?” I asked, “Do you remember the armoured car robbery in Boston in the early fifties?”

“Of course,” he said.

“Imagine that you and I are just chatting about what we’ve done in our lives and I say that I was part of that armed robbery. Do you honestly think that anyone involved in that case would say anything to anyone even forty years after the fact?”

“Probably not,” the Governor said after thinking for a few moments.

“Well,” I said, “At the centre of this event, when you put aside all the theories, trajectories, reports, obfuscations, misdirections and even outright lies, there is one simple fact: a homicide occurred. John Kennedy was killed and the statute of limitations never runs out on murder. So why would anyone risk coming forward even thirty years later?”

The Governor said nothing but I could see him formulating a reply. “So how many people who were involved, know everything?”

“Everything?” I repeated. “Nobody. It wouldn’t be safe for anyone to know everything. The same way that covert operations use ‘cutouts’ and anonymous people to deliver messages and material, I can’t see anyone even wanting to know everything. That is except us!”

The three of us laughed at that and I felt that if I could get John and Nellie Connally to laugh at a place where one of them was shot and both of them scarred forever, then I did my job.

“How long have you been interested in the case?” Nellie Connally asked.

“Early on,” I replied. “I guess I really became interested when I saw Jack Ruby shoot Lee Oswald on live television from ABC Buffalo, while I watched from Toronto.”

“Toronto?” the Governor exclaimed. “You mean you are Canadian?”

“Guilty, Governor Connally,” I said.

“Then your early interest in the assassination is even more interesting,” said Nellie Connally.

“So,” said the Governor, “You said that you thought there were six people involved. Where were they?”

“I said that there were six people shooting at you,” I corrected, “And they were everywhere. My scenario has the first shot hitting the President in the throat fired from behind the picket fence. The second, third and fourth shots were almost simultaneous. One was the shot that hit you, fired from the roof of the Country Records Building. Another was from the co-called ‘Oswald window’ or ‘sniper’s nest’ which hit the President in the back. The third of these three shots was fired from the second floor window of the Dal-Tex Building, went through the limousine’s windshield and then hit the curbstone down by the triple underpass and Commerce Street. A fragment either of the bullet or the curbstone that it hit flew up and slightly wounded a spectator named James Tague. The next shot was the second shot that hit you in the wrist and ended up in your left thigh, fired from the west window on the sixth floor. The final shot is controversial. I believe that it was fired from this storm drain.”

By then I had slowly walked the Connallys down Elm Street until we were at the base of the stairs that led up the ‘grassy knoll’. I moved them gently to the curb, without stepping into traffic.

“In 1963,” I began, “This opening was a full eight inches high. Plenty of room for a person to fire a handgun and the shot was very close. When I first spoke to Bill and Gail Newman—who were just up Elm Street from here on that day—about eight years ago, I mentioned to Bill that I had heard a radio interview with him done on the afternoon of the assassination and that he had said the last shot ‘sounded different’. When I said this to him, I could see him replaying the assassination in his mind—as I’m sure that both you and Nellie, uh, sorry, Mrs. Connally…”

“Al, ‘Nellie’ is just fine,” she interrupted. “And so is ‘John’. He hasn’t been ‘The Governor’ for a long time now!” She laughed.

“I kinda liked being called ‘Governor’ again, dear,” said John Connally and smiled at his wife.

“Well Billy Newman said that when he thought about it now, the last shot did sound different. I asked him if it was more of a ‘boom’ while the others were more of a ‘crack’ and he said that was it exactly! I asked him if it could have been fired by a handgun instead of a high-powered rifle, from underground instead of from a window and from down to his right, instead of behind him? Newman looked at me and nodded.”

“Why so many people?” asked Nellie Connally.

“If each shooter fired only once, he didn’t need to re-acquire his target and re-aim. It was just pull the trigger and then get the hell outta here. I bet that the gunman who fired the first shot that hit you was already off the roof and down the stairs before the limousine went under the triple underpass. By the time anybody would have thought to look, the shooters were all long gone. Each one in a different direction. I also believe that they didn’t even know where the other shooting locations were either.”

During our little stroll a few people had recognized the Connallys and had come over, some asking for autographs, but most just watching from a distance.

In all, I spent perhaps thirty to forty minutes with the Connallys and when it was over and I walked them back to their limousine, John Connally shook my hand and said. “Son, you’ve given me a lot to think about today and I thank you for that.”

Nellie Connally also shook my hand and gently kissed my cheek. “Thank you, Al,” was all she whispered.

They got into the limousine which during our tour had turned around so the it was now heading east on Old Elm. As the limousine slowly pulled away I thought about my little brush with history. The first time the Connallys had been back in Dealey Plaza since the assassination. I wondered if any of my fellow researchers would believe me when I got back to the Hyatt Reunion Hotel, but some attendees had seen me with the Connallys and others had come up for autographs.

When I got back to the hotel, a few of the researchers had already heard that the Connallys had finally arrived and that I had been their tour guide and I got some good-natured ribbing. When I got back to Toronto a few days later, I roughly wrote down most of the conversation that we shared as best as I could remember it.

But it wasn’t until 14 years later, with the help of those notes, that I finally put together this little narrative.





Wednesday, May 6, 2015

KGB Col. Oleg Nechiporenko: Mexican intelligence agency DFS immediately suspected Lyndon Johnson in murder of JFK

KGB Col. Oleg Nechiporenko, stationed in Mexico City: many in the Mexican intelligence service DFS suspected Lyndon Johnson in the wake of the JFK assassination. The CIA helped to create and run the DFS. 

From Robert Morrow  512-306-1510

KGB, Nixon, Goldwater - all concluded the Lyndon Johnson murdered JFK. Mexican intelligence services (CIA infiltrated and run) immediately suspected LBJ. Air Force General Joseph J. Cappucci, a man very close to Hoover: LBJ killed JFK. Whitney Young of the Urban League was hearing it everywhere he went up on Capitol Hill. Madeleine Brown, a key LBJ mistress in Dallas, was hearing it everywhere, too, that Lyndon Johson had murdered JFK. Howard Willens, a member of the Warren Commission was asked by me if he knew in real time in 1963 that the Kennedy’s and LBJ were at loggerheads. Willens’ reply in 2013: “Everyone in town knew it.” Madeleine Brown was hearing it everywhere in LBJ circles in Dallas as well. 

Col. Oleg Maximovich Nechiporenko, KGB officer stationed in Mexico at time of JFK assassination:


            I have more concrete information as to how the embassy telephone lines were tapped and how the FBI worked with Mexican special services on the Oswald case. I learned this from a member of el Direccion Federal de Seguridad (DFS) whom I’ll call “Jose.” He was part of the group that protected the Soviet cosmonauts, and we were friends for several years.

            The CIA and FBI conducted a very thorough investigation of Oswald’s stay in Mexico, without the assistance of the Mexican special secret service. The DFS was very interested in clarifying individual moments pertaining to Oswald in their country, and all the information that they gathered was presented to representatives of the “legal attache” of the U.S. embassy. This division of the embassy represented the FBI in Mexico, and its employees maintained close contact with Mexican law enforcement. During this period the legal attache was Joseph Garcia, who had long served in this capacity. Traditionally, the FBI had plenty of its own resources in Mexico and, like the CIA, solved problems without the knowledge or participation of the Mexican police.

            Shortly after the assassination, Jose said that many in the DFS felt that Lyndon Johnson was responsible. Jose was very interested in pursuing the investigation. 



The Mexican DFS was like the “CIA of Mexico” and our CIA had a huge role in creating and running it.



According to Peter Dale Scott, the DFS was in part a CIA creation, and "the CIA's closest government allies were for years in the DFS". DFS badges, "handed out to top-level Mexican drug-traffickers, have been labelled by DEA agents a virtual 'license to traffic'".[3] Scott also said, "The Guadalajara Cartel, Mexico's most powerful drug-trafficking network in the early 1980s, prospered largely because it enjoyed the protection of the DFS, under its chief Miguel Nazar Haro, a CIA asset.”


The KGB had concluded by 9/16/65 that Lyndon Johnson was behind the JFK Assassination.
Hoover sent a memo on 12/1/66 informing LBJ of this

JFK Assassination Review Board

Releases Top Secret Documents

Anna K. Nelson, American University

Copyright   ©   Organization of American Historians

This is one of the jewels produced by the ARRB: a memo from J. Edgar Hoover dated 12/1/66 (and sent to LBJ on that day) which stated that as of September, 1965 the Soviets were telling their KGB agents in America that they had concluded that Lyndon Johnson was behind the JFK assassination.

Also, go to page 1,492-1,496 of Doug Horne's Volume V of his book "Inside the Assassinations Record Review Board." The leader of the FBI records team Phil Golrick told author Doug Horne that "the specific language in the FBI report indicates that the information was obtained through electronic surveillance, not human intelligence, and it should be considered a very reliable record of what the KGB had been telling its own people behind closed doors in its own Residency in New York City." (Horne, p. 1493, Volume 5, Inside the ARRB).

I consider this to be of gargantuan significance for understanding the JFK assassination. It is up there with Gen. Ed Lansdale being photographed at TSBD. Up there with Antonio Veciana identifying "Maurice Bishop" aka David Atlee Phillips with Oswald.

This is extremely important because it I s coming from Soviet internal intelligence, not their propaganda organs (who were accusing the Texas oil men closely associated with LBJ). FBI counter-intelligence discovered in the mid 1960's that the Soviets believed internally that Lyndon Johnson was behind the JFK assassination. The Russians at that time had the largest foreign intelligence agency in the world. They were quite competent, too, having stolen our complete atomic bomb secrets in the early mid 1940's.

The FBI found out what the Soviets were telling their KGB Residency in New York through electronic surveillance.

Hoover sent this memo to Lyndon Johnson on 12/1/1966. (Johnson's mental condition in that time period was not good at all. I think the stresses of Vietnam as well as his participation in the JFK assassination were weighing heavily on him.)

Document 1

1 - Mr. DeLoach

1 - Mr. Wick

1 - Mr. Gale

1 - Mr. Sullivan

1 - Mr. Branigan

1 - Mr. Lenihan

December 1, 1966


A source who has furnished reliable information in the past and who was in Russia on the date of the assassination of the late President John F. Kennedy advised on December 4, 1963, that the news of the assassination of President Kennedy was flashed to the Soviet people almost immediately after its occurrence. It was greeted by great shock and consternation and church bells were tolled in the memory of President Kennedy.

According to our source, officials of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union believed there was some well-organized conspiracy on the part of the "ultraright" in the United States to effect a "coup." They seemed convinced that the assassination was not the deed of one man, but that it rose out of a carefully planned campaign in which several people played a part. They felt those elements interested in utilizing the assassination and playing on anticommunist sentiments in the United States would then utilize this act to stop negotiations with the Soviet Union, attack Cuba and thereafter spread the war. As a result of these feelings, the Soviet Union immediately went into a state of national alert.

Our source further stated that Soviet officials were fearful that without leadership, some irresponsible general in the United States might launch a missile at the Soviet Union. It was the further opinion of the Soviet officials that only maniacs would think that the "left" forces in the United States, as represented by the Communist Party, USA, would assassinate President Kennedy, especially in view of the abuse the Communist Party, USA, has taken from the "ultraleft" as a result of its support of peaceful coexistence and disarmament policies of the Kennedy administration.





According to our source, Soviet officials claimed that Lee Harvey Oswald had no connection whatsoever with the Soviet Union. They described him as a neurotic maniac who was disloyal to his own country and everything else. They noted that Oswald never belonged to any organization in the Soviet Union and was never given Soviet citizenship.

(CG 5824-S*)

A second source who has furnished reliable information in the past advised on November 27, 1963, that Nikolai T. Fedorenko, the Permanent Representative to the Soviet Mission to the United Nations, held a brief meeting with all diplomatic personnel employed at the Soviet Mission on November 23, 1963. During this meeting, Fedorenko related for the benefit of all present the news of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and stated that Kennedy's death was very much regretted by the Soviet Union and had caused considerable shock in Soviet Government circles. Fedorenko stated that the Soviet Union would have preferred to have had President Kennedy at the helm of the American Government. He added that President Kennedy had, to some degree, a mutual understanding with the Soviet Union, and had tried seriously to improve relations between the United States and Russia. Fedorenko also added that little or nothing was known by the Soviet Government concerning President Lyndon Johnson and, as a result, the Soviet Government did not know what policies President Johnson would follow in the future regarding the Soviet Union.

According to our source, Colonel Boris Ivanov, Chief of the Soviet Committee for State Security



 (KGB) Residency in New York City, held a meeting of KGB personnel on the morning of November 25, 1963. Ivanov informed those present that President Kennedy's death had posed a problem for the KGB and stated that it was necessary for all KGB employees to lend their efforts to solving the problem.

According to our source, Ivanov stated that it was his personal feeling that the assassination of President Kennedy had been planned by an organized group rather than being the act of one individual assassin. Ivanov stated that it was therefore necessary that the KGB ascertain with the greatest possible speed the true story surrounding President Kennedy's assassination. Ivanov stated that the KGB was interested in knowing all the factors and all of the possible groups which might have worked behind the scenes to organize and plan this assassination.


Our source added that Ivanov also emphasized that it was of extreme importance to the Soviet Government to determine precisely what kind of man the new President Lyndon Johnson would be. Ivanov said that President Johnson was practically an unknown to the Soviet Government and, accordingly, the KGB had issued instructions to all of its agents to immediately obtain all data available concerning the incumbent President. Ivanov said that it would be necessary for KGB personnel to gather and correlate all information concerning President Johnson, including his background, his past working experience and record in Congress, his present attitude toward the Soviet Union, and particularly all information which might have bearing upon the future foreign policy line he would follow (NY 3653-S*)

On September 16, 1965, this same source reported that the KGB Residency in New York City received instructions approximately September 16, 1965, from KGB headquarters in Moscow to develop all possible information concerning President Lyndon B. Johnson's character, background, personal friends, family, and from which quarters he derives his support in his position as President of the United States. Our source added that in the instructions from Moscow, it was indicated that "now" the KGB was in possession of data purporting to indicate President Johnson was responsible for the assassination of the late President John F. Kennedy. KGB headquarters indicated that in view of this information, it was necessary for the Soviet Government to know the existing personal relationship between President Johnson and the Kennedy family, particularly between President Johnson and Robert and "Ted" Kennedy.


Robert Parker’s - Capitol Hill in Black and White: Revelations of the Inside - and Underside - of power politics by the black former maître d’ of the Senate Dining Room (1986) - Robert Parker was an LBJ insider and a black man.


            It didn’t take long for the enemies of Lyndon Johnson to crawl out of the Capitol woodwork. “Old LBJ must have had something to do with it,” I heard them say the very next day. The suspicion echoed in every corridor from Senate staff attorneys, legislative aides, waitresses, and tourists. Their grief for John F. Kennedy more their cynicism and dislike of Lyndon Johnson even more intense.

            Blacks, who as a group had always mistrusted LBJ, were no exception. A few days after President Kennedy was buried, Clarence Mitchell, director of the NCAAP’s Washington office, got into a heated discussion about President Johnson with Whitney Young, director of the Urban League. They were standing in the corridor outside the Senate Dining Room. Mitchell called me over. Like most people in the Kennedy camp, Young was upset. It was bad enough to lose a dynamic leader like John Kennedy, but to get Lyndon Johnson in exchange was to rub salt in the wounds of grief. Young was telling Mitchell that everywhere he went he heard someone say LBJ was behind the assassination of Kennedy. Young was concerned about the gossip.

            “Johnson’s not that kind of man,” Mitchell said. Then he turned to me. “Tell him, Robert! You’ve known Johnson ever since you were a kid.”

            As depressed as I was over the death of the president, the accusations of murder leveled at Lyndon Johnson made me even sadder. Although he could be the meanest man in Washington, I knew he was no killer. I defended him. I felt that people like the ones Whitney Young were gossiping didn’t understand LBJ and were not being fair to him. That Lyndon Johnson was bored as vice president was clear to anyone who cared enough to watch him. I had seen him often on the Hill between January 1961, when he took his oath of office, and November 1963, when President Kennedy was assassinated. I had served dozens of his private lunches, as well as hideaway parties, which he attended for old times’ sake. President Kennedy had turned him into his messenger boy on the Hill. And Johnson had let it be known that he didn’t like being a toothless old lion.

            A few weeks before Lyndon Johnson moved into the White House, I was in the Inner Sanctum when Senator Jordan walked to join a half-dozen of his southern friends. “Did y’all hear about ol’ Lyndon?” he asked even before he sat down. “He’s got himself in trouble already.”

            Jordan began fleshing out a story I had read that morning in The Washington Post. I’m sure he got his information from Johnson aides, who were itching to take over the White House.

            “Ol’ Lyndon got on the phone and called Mrs. Kennedy the other day,” Jordan drawled as if he were savoring each word. “He told her, ‘Sweetheart, listen, you don’t have to move out until you’re good and ready. We’re not rushing you.’”

            Jordan and his friends laughed because they knew “ol’ Lyndon” couldn’t wait to swivel in the Oval Office chair.

            Jordan continued, “Jackie slammed down the phone and huffed to an aide, ‘How dare that oversize cowpunching son-of-a-bitch call me sweetheart! I want to speak to him about it.’ The aide went over to ol’ Lyndon’s office.”

            Jordan paused for the punchline.

            “Well, ol’ Lyndon  pounded the desk with that big fist of his, got out of his chair, stretched tall, and said, “’I’m sick and tired of this horseshit! Where I come from, we always call our ladies “sweetheart” and they call us southern gentleman “honey.”’”

            Jordan could hardly stop laughing.

            “Well, ol’ Lyndon better not try being a southern gentleman with Jackie again!” he said.


[Robert Parker - Capitol Hill in Black and White: Revelations of the Inside - and Underside - of power politics by the black former maître d’ of the Senate Dining Room, pp. 131-133. ]

Sen. Barry Goldwater (1973) was convinced that Lyndon Johnson was behind the JFK assassination


Goldwater told Jeffrey Hoff that in October, 1973


   At the 2012 Dallas JFK Lancer conference I ran into JFK researcher Jeffrey Hoff of Arizona. Jeffrey Hoff was a leadership position in the local Cochise County Democratic Club from 1980-1983. He used to be a member of SDS in the 1960's. Now he installs "off the grid" solar systems. I briefly interviewed Hoff on Saturday, November 17, 2012 in Dallas, TX, at the JFK Lancer conference.

            Jeffrey Hoff told me that in October, 1973 he met Barry Goldwater at a Republican political picnic in Willcox in Cochise County, AZ. I asked him how he ended up at a Republican picnic and he told me his friend Louise Parker, a friend and "real estate lady" from an Arizona "pioneer" family, had invited him. She said do you want to meet Barry Goldwater? Hoff said yes.

      When Hoff met Sen. Barry Goldwater, Hoff, who had a keen interest in the JFK assassination, brought up that topic. Sen. Barry Goldwater told Hoff in October, 1973, that he (Goldwater) was convinced that Lyndon Johnson was behind the JFK assassination and that the Warren Commission was a complete cover up. Hoff got the impression that Goldwater had told others privately the same thing. I asked Hoff how confident was Goldwater when he was making these statements. Answer: Goldwater was very confident.

            Jeffrey Hoff currently (2012) lives about 35 miles from Pierce, AZ. Lyndon Johnson died in January, 1973. J. Edgar Hoover had died in May, 1972. Allen Dulles died in January, 1969.


Barry Goldwater also read and complimented Fred Newcomb's book Murder From Within (1974) on the JFK assassination. Newcomb pointed the finger at the Secret Service, with deep suspicions of LBJ.


Barry Goldwater: "... the book ... seems to be very concise, detailed and documented" which he told Fred Newcomb in a letter complimenting his book. (Sen. Jesse Helms and Russell Long also read this book according to Tyler Newcomb, the son of Fred Newcomb.)


The book has been re-released (2011) and retitled as "Murder From Within: Lyndon Johnson's Plot Against President Kennedy."


Barry Goldwater column “Leftist Dementia” on Dec. 19, 1963 blames JFK assassination on “a single kill-crazy Communist.”



Goldwater sure changed his tune 10 years later.


Roger Stone on what Richard Nixon thought about the JFK assassination in a May, 2013, interview with the Daily Beast

Nixon “never flatly said who was responsible [for Kennedy’s death]. But he would say, ‘Both Johnson and I wanted to be president, but the only difference was I wouldn’t kill for it.”

Still, the juiciest parts of Stone’s book may be a series of interviews he conducted with his former boss Nixon toward the end of the former president’s life. According to Stone, Nixon “never flatly said who was responsible [for Kennedy’s death]. But he would say, ‘Both Johnson and I wanted to be president, but the only difference was I wouldn’t kill for it.”

When pressed on who he thought killed Kennedy, Nixon “would shiver and say, ‘Texas,’” said Stone.

LBJ slitting his finger across his throat at the mention of Robert Kennedy, spring 1968

“And friendliness, though,  was quickly fleeting. Eugene McCarthy soon paid a courtesy call to the Oval Office, and when McCarthy mentioned Kennedy, the president said nothing.; instead he drew a finger across his throat, silently, in a slitting motion. Later that week, Johnson exploded at press reports of the April 3 meeting with Kennedy and Sorensen, whom, he now charged, had leaked the story to score political points.”

[Jeff Shesol, Mutual Contempt, p. 444]


"I'll cut his throat if it's the last thing I do."


Robert Caro describes the LBJ-RFK relationship post 1960 Democratic convention, where RFK had moved heaven and earth attempting to keep LBJ off the 1960 Democratic ticket. Caro: 

John Connally, who during long days of conversation with this author was willing to answer almost any question put to him, no matter how delicate the topic, wouldn't answer when asked what Johnson said about Robert Kennedy. When the author pressed him, he finally said flatly: "I am not going to tell you what he said about him." During the months after the convention, when Johnson was closeted alone back in Texas with an old ally he would sometimes be asked about Robert Kennedy. He would reply with a gesture. Raising his big right hand, he would draw the side of it across the neck in a slowing, slitting movement. Sometimes that gesture would be his only reply; sometimes, as during a meeting with Ed Clark in Austin, he would say, as his hand moved across his neck, "I'll cut his throat if it's the last thing I do."  [Robert Caro, "The Passage of Power," p. 140]

Lyndon Johnson canceled Air Force plane for top brain surgeon for dying RFK

[C. David Heymann,  RFK: A Candid Biography Of Robert F. Kennedy,  p. 505]


      Ted Van Dyk: “In the middle of the night I was shaken awake by David Gartner, a personal aide to the vice president. And Dave said, ‘Humphrey says get up, Robert Kennedy's been shot.’ And I said, ‘David, that's a sick joke.’ He said, ‘No, no, Robert Kennedy's been shot.’

     “So I got up and Humphrey was absolutely distraught, he was just absolutely beside himself with anxiety and concern. And we then received a telephone  call from Steve Smith and Pierre Salinger in California. They said, ‘There's a brain surgeon we trust in Boston. Could you arrange for a private plane to fly him to Los Angeles? Because Robert Kennedy's still alive and there's a possibility of saving him.’

     Humphrey called up the commanding general of the air force, who happened to be there at the academy. And Humphrey said, ‘Will you please dispatch this plane?’ The general said, "I surely will."

     “Ten minutes later we received a call from an aide in the White House: President Johnson had canceled the plane because Humphrey had no authority to send it. The fact was, Johnson preferred Robert Kennedy dead.

     “It was one of the most heinous acts I've ever experienced in my life, and it all but broke Humphrey's heart.” [C. David Heymann,  RFK: A Candid Biography Of Robert F. Kennedy,  p. 505]

--Ted Van Dyk, Aide to then Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey


Bio: Ted Van Dyk has been active in national policy and politics for more than 30 years. He began active military duty in 1957 as a U.S. Army intelligence analyst. His subsequent jobs have included Soviet specialist and intelligence analyst at the Pentagon; senior assistant to Vice President Hubert Humphrey and coordinator of foreign assistance programs in the Carter Administration, to name just a few. He also served as a senior political and policy advisor to seven Democratic presidential candidates. Since early 2001, he has been an editorial-page columnist for the Seattle Post-Intelligencer and has continued writing periodically for national publications.  


Madeleine Brown was hearing from a lot of people in Dallas that Lyndon Johnson had murdered JFK 

Madeleine Duncan Brown was a mistress of Lyndon Johnson for 21 years and had a son with him named Steven Mark Brown in 1950. Madeleine mixed with the Texas elite and had many trysts with Lyndon Johnson over the years , including one at the Driskill Hotel in Austin, TX, on New Year's Eve 12/31/63.

    Late in the evelning of 12/31/63, just 6 weeks after the JFK assassination, Madeleine asked Lyndon Johnson:

    "Lyndon, you know that a lot of people believe you had something to do with President Kennedy's assassination."    

    He shot up out of bed and began pacing and waving his arms screaming like a madman. I was scared!

    "That's bullshit, Madeleine Brown!" he yelled. "Don't tell me you believe that crap!"

    "Of course not." I answered meekly, trying to cool his temper.

    "It was Texas oil and those fucking renegade intelligence bastards in Washington." [said Lyndon Johnson, the new president.]  [Texas in the Morning, p. 189] [LBJ told this to Madeleine in the late night of 12/31/63 in the Driskill Hotel, Austin, TX in room #434 which is now known as the Governor’s Suite. LBJ kept this room on retainer for business and as a place to tryst with his mistresses. LBJ and Madeleine spent New Year’s Eve ‘63 together here. 

(Another separate Room is #254 -today it is known as the "Blue Room" or “LBJ Suite” or  the "Presidential room" and rents for $600-1,000/night as a Presidential suite at the Driskill; located on the Mezzanine Level.)

Gen. Joseph J. Cappucci, the head of Air Force counterintelligence & a close friend of FBI J. Edgar Hoover, told Jan Amos and her husband Col. William Henry Amos, that Lyndon Johnson killed JFK. Cappucci was the direct superior to Col. William Henry Amos. Cappucci made these comments after a party at the Hilton Hotel in Rome in 1969.

Go to the 6 minute mark of Robert Morrow’s July 31, 2014 interview with Jan Amos at her condominium in Dallas:

Gen. Joseph Cappucci was very close to FBI director J. Edgar Hoover who in turn was very close to Lyndon Johnson. Col. Bill Amos was the bright star working directly under Cappucci at that time, but he was an alcoholic and later had to leave the military.

After Cappucci made these comments indicting LBJ for JFK’s murder, on the way home Col. William Henry Amos told his wife Jan Amos to never utter a word of what she had heard. Cappucci said “No wonder Lyndon Johnson had JFK killed” and he said this after the topic of Ted Kennedy and Chappaquiddick had come up. Mary Jo Kopechne, a passenger of Sen. Ted Kennedy, had drowned at Chappaquiddick on July 18, 1969.

Additionally, Jan Amos reveals that in 1964 President LBJ gave a direct order to the military to seize and destroy all copies of “A Texan Looks at Lyndon: A Study in Illegitimate Power” by J. Evetts Haley on military bases and commissaries nationwide. Col. Amos was given direct orders by his superiors to incinerate every single copy of this book which correctly implied that LBJ was murdering people to cover up the Billie Sol Estes LBJ-kickback scandal of the early 1960’s. Col. William Amos told his wife Jan that LBJ was the rudest and most uncouth bastard he had ever been around or worked for.

Jan Amos later moved back to Dallas and worked in high end clothing retail where she became friends and a personal shopper for the wives of the social elite of Dallas. She knew the Murchison and Perot families and numerous prominent Dallas families.

1) Go to the 6 minute mark of Robert Morrow’s July 31, 2014 interview with Jan Amos at her condominium in Dallas:


Retired   September 01,1974     Died  June 10,1992


Brig. Gen. Joseph J. Cappucci is director of defense investigative service, Office of the Secretary of Defense.

General Cappucci was born in Bridgeport, Conn., in 1913. He attended elementary and high schools in that city. He graduated from the University of Wyoming and received his commission as a second lieutenant, Army Air Corps Reserve, from the Reserve Officers Training Corps program in June 1935.

General Cappucci entered active military duty in October 1940 with initial assignment at Westover Air Base, Mass. In May 1942 he attended the Command and General Staff School, Fort Leavenworth, Kan., upon completion of which, he was transferred to the European Theater of Operations and placed on special duty with the British Intelligence Service. After his return to the United States in 1944, he performed duties as a counterintelligence and intelligence officer with the Army Air Corps until July 1946, when he was placed on detached service to the Central Intelligence Agency. He was integrated into the Regular Air Force in 1946 and in May 1947 he was transferred from the Central Intelligence Agency to the Directorate of Intelligence, U.S. Air Force.

He was assigned to the Counterintelligence Division, Directorate of Special Investigations, in August 1948 when the Office of Special Investigations was activated. In January 1952 he was transferred to the Directorate of Special Investigations, U.S. Air Forces in Europe, and served as chief, Counterintelligence Division. While in USAFE, he was a member of various intelligence boards in Germany, France and other areas in USAFE, and was responsible for putting into effect a counterintelligence program throughout all USAFE areas of interest. General Cappucci was awarded the Legion of Merit by the Commander in Chief, USAFE, for his outstanding performance of duty during this period of service.

Upon his return to the United States in August 1955, he was assigned to the Counterintelligence Division, Directorate of Special Investigations, U.S. Air Force. In August 1958 he was assigned as commander, OSI District 13, Offutt Air Force Base, Neb., and held this position until February 1961, when he was assigned as director of special investigations, Pacific Air Forces. General Cappucci was awarded another Legion of Merit by the commander in chief, PACAF, for outstanding service as director of special investigations, PACAF.

He was transferred to the Office of The Inspector General, U.S. Air Force, in January 1964 and assumed the duties of deputy director of special investigations for operations in the Directorate of Special Investigations. He was appointed director of special investigations, and commander, 1005th Special Investigations Group in June 1964, which at that time was a worldwide, centrally directed organization. 

General Cappucci retired Aug. 31, 1967, and was recalled to active duty Sept. l, 1967,to again serve as director of special investigations and commander of the 1005th Special Investigations Group. He was awarded two Distinguished Service medals for exceptionally meritorious service in a duty of great responsibility as director of special investigations. On Dec. 31, 1971 the Air Force Office of Special Investigations was created as a separate operating agency. General Cappucci retained his position as director of special investigations while also becoming Commander, AFOSI. At that time, the 1005th Special Investigations Group was disestablished.

In April 1972 General Cappucci was appointed director of Defense Investigative Service, Office of the Secretary of Defense.

Besides the Command and General Staff School, he also has attended the U.S. Air Force Special Investigations School, British Secret Intelligence School, Air Intelligence School, Radar Observer Intelligence School and the Airborne School, and holds the ratings of parachutist and gliderman.

In addition to the United States military decorations, he has been awarded the National Order of Vietnam in grade of Knight; Vietnamese Medal of Honor, 1st Class; Vietnamese Air Service Honor Medal; Philippine Legion of Honor; Philippine Legion of Honor (Commander); Most Exalted Order of White Elephant (2d Class-Knight Commander) (Thailand); Republic of Vietnam Air Force Distinguished Service Order (First Class); the Special Cravat of the Order of Cloud and Banner - Republic of China; Republic of China Police Medal; and the Order of National Security Merit Cheon-Su Medal, Republic of China.

He was promoted to the temporary grade of brigadier general effective June 1, 1965, with date of rank May 22, 1965.

(Current as of April 15, 1972)